One of the central messages of women's demonstrations is that the government is not doing enough to protect women from danger. And this message is unequivocally true; more than 70% of femicides reported are never investigated, in 82% of cases no suspect is ever identified and in 97% of cases no one is even arrested. The first conviction of femicide didn't come until June 2012, and few have followed. This reinforces the femicide problem by sending a message to men that killing women is acceptable because they will not be held accountable. This is due to both a lack of will by governments and institutions to fight femicide, and a lack of effective reporting and documentation. Many victims become invisible, and are dismissed and forgotten. Many who try to take legal action abandon it after becoming disillusioned with its inefficiency and losing trust in the system.
Though the situation looks and is bleak, thirteen states have created special police forces that allow women to report assaults and sixteen states have now created specific laws referring to femicide. However, many of these laws are treated vaguely and have strange inclusions. For example, in Nicaragua it is only labeled femicide if the victim has a relationship to the perpetrator, and in Mexico the victim must show signs of mutilation or rape. Most countries dismiss claims that murders of women have anything to do with gender relations and refuse to see domestic violence as a serious issue. Policymakers and the media tend to portray the femicide problem as an extension of generally high levels of organized crime, but it is also commonly an extreme form of domestic violence--statistics show that around 60% of all femicides are committed by intimate partners. Therefore, more policies need to be made to protect women within their relationships.
In Peru, which has become an example of the best practice, there is a registry that documents female deaths in cases of intimate femicide, non-intimate femicide and femicide not based on relationships. Such reporting mechanisms are absolutely imperative if rates of femicide are to be reduced; if we do not know the extent and scope of the problem there is no efficient way to fight it.
In Peru, which has become an example of the best practice, there is a registry that documents female deaths in cases of intimate femicide, non-intimate femicide and femicide not based on relationships. Such reporting mechanisms are absolutely imperative if rates of femicide are to be reduced; if we do not know the extent and scope of the problem there is no efficient way to fight it.
Still, though on the surface many Latin American countries appear ready to get on board in the fight against femicide (all have ratified the UN Convention on the Eradication of Discrimination Against Women and many have committed to other similar treaties) there is a gap between apparent intention and practice. Even states with specific laws have not seen a reduction in femicide; instead rates continue to rise. To be effective, these policies must address ALL aspects of the problem--sexism, discrimination and all forms of violence against women. These factors must be actively worked against by governments, non-governmental organizations, and citizens all over Latin America together for this plague to end. Until that happens, it is likely that the women of the Ni Una Menos movement and all like it will continue to march, protest and demand change.